Wednesday 31 October 2012

Independent Research Project - Controversial Humour and the Online Community


SOC 250 Everyday Interaction 
Assessment 4: Independent Research Project 
Danielle Merlino 3883073
'Controversial Humour and the Online Community'

The emergence of the internet and online communities is a very interesting topic in the study of everyday interactions as the traditional face-to-face signals are not available. Miller (1995, p2) argues that “as the technology develops, more range of expressive resources become available. Also, as the culture of electronic communication develops, people will construct expressive resources out of whatever facilities are available.” Social media sites such as Facebook allow users to express themselves in diverse ways and the possibility of remaining anonymous means that people can say anything they like without the consequences that a face-to-face interaction might entail. As Morrisey (2010, p76) recognises, “this breaking-down of inhibitions can ... result in negative consequences such as the rejection of the norms of civil society that could lead to harassment, flaming and hate speech”. In order to explore the way in which online interactions work to reveal aspects of the self and interaction with others this paper will look at the Facebook page '[Controversial Humor] Cancer is funny cause people die'.

'[Controversial Humor] Cancer is funny cause people die' was started in November 2011, and although it has been reported to Facebook authorities as it does not break any laws or violate Facebook policies it has not been shut down. On this page people would post offensive comments, jokes, photographs, comics and memes about Cancer patients and their loved ones. The page has sparked outrage and debate both on Facebook and through other media sources. Some members of the public have responded to the page by creating counter-pages such as 'Cancer is NOT funny cause people die' and by also writing to members on the original page. This report will focus on a particular comment thread started by Beau N Ell Ruttimann on 5th September 2012 in response to the page itself.

Screenshot 1


Screenshot 1 shows the beginning of this interaction with 'Beau N Ell Ruttimann' (Beau) indicating that this page is offensive and should never have been created, and then requesting the administrators to remove the page. Through this comment it can be seen that Beau has recognised that what is considered socially acceptable has been breached. This can be compared to the sociological idea of the 'Code'- a set of unwritten social rules which will govern interactions in a particular setting (Wieder, 1974, p144). In writing “how f***ing dare you joke around about s**t like this! Does it even cross your sick little brain that victims of cancer and family members see this?” Beau seems to be indicating that there is a socially accepted understanding that people do not joke about this topic.

According to Erving Goffman's arguments on presentation of the self, “one of the things people need to do during interaction with others is present themselves as an acceptable person: one who is entitled to certain kinds of consideration, who has certain kinds of expertise, who is morally relatively unblemished, and so on” (Miller, 1995, p1). In Screenshot 1 Beau identifies himself as victim of cancer in that his father had recently died from the disease. In doing so Beau presents a version of himself that has authority to talk about this topic due to first hand experience.

In response to Beau's comment, immediately 'Irene Moffett' offers sympathy, however 'Randall Boggs', 'Good Ol' Jeb' and 'Dog' respond with dismissive and offensive comments, some of which can be seen as trolling or 'flaming' - a situation which will be discussed further on. What is interesting to note is that these three people appear to be using fake names and profile pictures. Good Ol' Jeb is clearly not a real name, and the same applies for Dog (who also uses a picture of a dog for their profile picture). Even though Randall Boggs at first glance may appear to be a real name, when one looks at their profile picture it is actually an image of the Monsters Inc (movie) villain who also goes by the name Randall. Hugh Miller (1995, p3) argues that “it is easy to make a fool of yourself on the Web; there is little to stop you doing it, but doing it will cause you little pain.” On the internet, as can be seen in this example, the self can remain totally anonymous, but even if some parts of the self are revealed, the computer screen offers protection.

As there is much less accountability on the internet, people are able to express their feelings without taking into perspective the feelings of others. Goffman (1971) argues that people 'perform' certain roles in everyday life and that they will adjust their performance to suit the audience, time and place, cultivating the personality which is most appropriate. Goffman (1971, p32) uses the analogy of stages to show how performances change from the perhaps more formal, socially acceptable 'frontstage' to the more relaxed, personal 'backstage'. Ross (2007, p316) argues that sometimes “the distinction between frontstage and backstage interaction is not entirely obvious... [and] it is difficult to establish what kind of region is being accessed when an actor's performance is delivered blindly to millions of potential readers.” As can be seen through the 'Cancer is funny...' page, this can become problematic on the internet because “the decontextualised nature of the computer” means that someone may choose to disregard the fact that something is considered socially unacceptable in what is normally the frontstage and instead express what has been lurking in the backstage of many individuals (Brooks et al, 'Flaming').

Screenshot 2



In Screenshot 2 Randall and Good Ol' Jeb continue to insult Beau with comments such as “Go play with your dad. Oh whoops, sorry.” This leads to a longer comment by Beau where the extensive use of expletives can been seen to indicate an increase in his anger and frustration. As Jay and Janschewitz (2008, p267) indicate “the main purpose of swearing is to express emotions... [and] swear words are well suited to express emotion as their primary meanings are connotative.” Through using words such as “f***” and “c***” Beau is able to show these people how upset he is becoming, and perhaps hopes this will encourage them to stop. However the responses following this comment only seem to become more offensive, and it could be argued that Beau's use of expletives have been viewed “as loss of control” (Jay and Janschetwitz, 2008, p271). This argument can be noted particularly in 'Amy Mason's' following comment “Ah there it is. You are now most definitely no better than anyone here. Well done.”

Screenshot 3


In Screenshot 3 'Jonathan Diala' enters the thread with a very violent comment which can be identified as trolling. Li (2010) defines a troll as “someone who posts inflammatory, extraneous, or off-topic messages in an online community ... with the primary intent of provoking other users into a desired emotional response”. While there is still little sociological research completed on the topic of trolling, Li (2010) looks into the origins of it. He suggests that the Internet “is generally not a good place for social control” because while it does have some formal control mechanisms such as 'banlists', it “lacks informal ones, which ... are usually more effective” (Li, 2010). As mentioned above, trolling was also used by 'Randall', 'Good Ol' Jeb' and 'Dog' is Screenshot 1. It is interesting to note that while Jonathan's post is more violent, it receives less reaction than the other three 'trolls' comments. This may be due to the fact that Beau has already reacted to the other comments and is arguing with them.

Beau then responds to the entire thread with a clearly set out comment which reiterates his point that the page is offensive but also moves on to say “You all think your so clever and smart by being 'keyboard warriors' and youre not, youre just showing the world how f***ing sick and twisted cold hearted you are.” This comment raises two interesting notions, the first being him actually acknowledging that this is perhaps the 'true' version of these individuals' selves, and what would be considered the 'backstage' is being brought forward. He also uses insults against the members of this page which can be seen as him implementing a method called 'flaming'. Brooks, Heyman and Pyon argue that flaming is the Internet's “way of regulating itself.” The way it works is that if someone writes something very unacceptable on a public forum, others will point this out in an insulting way, They will “flame others who violate group norms” (Brooks et al, 'Flaming'). Beau is attempting to regulate their behaviour by continuously pointing out that it is wrong, however in this situation it does not appear to be working. In Screenshot 4 'Sara Boren' also attempts to use flaming by labelling the group members as “sad individuals.”

Screenshot 4


In Screenshot 4 'Antonio Michael Salvatore Casamassa' (Antonio) joins the thread and in disapproving of the page comments on the reasons why it may have been created in an amused and sarcastic tone. In fact, over the entire Facebook page there are several comments which try to find some reason for the admin creating such a page and the members contributing to it. This practice appears to relate to ethnomethodologist Harold Garfinkel's work on social order.

Garfinkel found that in order to research how social order is made it would be best to start with a framework of stable features and see what can be done to make trouble (Heritage, 1984, p78). This was achieved through his famous breaching experiments. In these experiments Garfinkel and his students would break the normal rules of a situation and wished to create a senseless situation (Heritage, 1984, p78). However the interesting result of these experiments was that often the subjects would attempt to add meaning to the experimenter's actions so that it could be understood as a legally possible event (Heritage, 1984, p81).

On the 'Cancer is funny ...' page, what is considered socially acceptable has been breached and Antonio provides some interesting suggestions as to why. These include: the admin having a low IQ, a huge void in their life, and a mental illness. What is interesting to note is that Antonio, having attributed meaning to creator's actions, does not appear extremely upset and seems to suggest that others should just ignore the page. However unlike Antonio, Beau does not attribute meaning to their actions and becomes increasingly upset by the comments on the thread. This observation is reminiscent of Garfinkel's work where he found that during a breaching experiment “senselessness and disturbance was increased if the subject attempted to normalize the discrepancy while retaining an unaltered view of the 'rules of the game'” (Heritage, 1984, p79).

As can be seen from this report, a single comment thread in an online community can provide sociologists with a vast array of information on how everyday interactions play out on the Internet. The Internet provides many news ways for interaction to occur, and while this has obvious benefits, as discussed above it also opens opportunities for more deviance from societal norms due to the possibility to remove your 'self' from your actions and comments. Miller (1995, p1-2) indicates that in face-to-face encounters there is an increased mutual understanding of the framework that leads the people to the encounter, and “this depth and richness is perhaps not apparent in electronic interaction.” As online communities continue to grow they show social order, and self presentation being achieved in interesting ways. However as Miller (1995, p7) argues “a full appreciation of this has to wait until we have an implicit understanding of the 'frames' that can be applied to communication on the Web, so we know how to interpret what people say about themselves in the context of 'what is going on' when they say these things.”


References
Brooks, E, Heyman, N and Pyon, J, 'Social Interaction on the Internet: An Application of Erving Goffman's Sociological Theories', McMaster University, accessed 9 September 2012, http://socserv2.mcmaster.ca/soc/courses/soc4j3/stuweb/cyber9/flmg.htm

'[Controversial Humor] Cancer is funny cause people die' Facebook, http://www.facebook.com/pages/Controversial-Humor-Cancer-is-funny-cause-people- die/174140266010061*
* I have provided the link to the Facebook page above however unfortunately the actual comment thread analysed in this report appears to have been removed by the site administrators.

Dery, Mark (1993) 'Flame Wars'. 

Goffman, E (1967) 'The nature of deference and demeanor' Interaction Ritual: Essays on Face-to-
Face Behaviour, Doubleday, Garden City, NY, pp 47-95. 

Goffman, Erving. (1971), 'Performances',The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life,
Harmondsworth: Penguin. 

Heritage, John. 1984. 'The Morality of Cognition' in Garfinkel and
Ethnomethodology. Cambridge: Polity Press. 

Jay, T and Janschewitz, K (2008) 'The pragmatics of swearing', Journal of Politeness Research 4,
267-288.

Li, S (2010) 'A Sociological Perspective on Internet Trolling', A Reasoner's Miscellany, 10th December, accessed 30th October 2012, http://nargaque.wordpress.com/2010/12/10/a-sociological- perspective-on-internet-trolling/

Matthews, S (2012) 'Authenticating an Online Identity' The American Journal of Bioethics, Vol 12, No 10, 39-41.

Miller, H (1995) 'The Presentation of Self in Electronic Life: Goffman on the Internet', Nottingham Trent University, http://www.dourish.com/classes/ics234cw04/miller2.pdf

Morrissey, L (2010) 'Trolling is a art: Towards a schematic classification in internet trolling' Griffith Working Papers in Pragmatics and Intercultural Communication, vol 3, no 2, p75-82, accessed 30th October 2012, http://www.griffith.edu.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0005/270419/2.-Morrisey- Trolling.pdf

Oram, A (2009) 'What sociologist Erving Goffman could tell us about social networking and Internet identity', O'Reilly Radar, 26 October, accessed 10th September, http://radar.oreilly.com/2009/10/what-sociologist-erving-goffma.html

Ross, D (2007) 'Backstage with the Knowledge Boys and Girls: Goffman and Distributed Agency in an Organic Online Community' Organization Studies, Vol 28, No 3, 307-325.

Thursday 18 October 2012

Institutional talk


This week we asked the question how does 'talk in institutional settings' constitute those settings as such?

The way I understand this topic is that every time we enter an institution we will conform to a certain way speaking to each other because of the institution we are in, but at the same time the fact that we are speaking to each other in that particular way is what makes the institution the institution. Wow – I know that is a messy sentence, but I am still trying to get my head around the idea!Actually, Christie Brindley was talking to me about this topic and was able to put it into much better words: “the institution can be seen to be a product of its participants”.

An interesting concept looked at in the lecture was that there are specific procedures that will be used in institutional talk. Andy looked at the procedure for making an emergency phone call and set out five phases for the interaction:
  1. Opening
  2. Request
  3. Interrogative series
  4. Response
  5. Closing
I think this concept can apply to a broad range of interactions and institutions. For example, when I take a booking for the restaurant I work in, I will follow the same procedure as above. I have set out the different phases below:

Phase 1: (ME) “Good evening, 'Italian restaurant', Danielle speaking”
Phase 2: (CUSTOMER) “Hello, I would like to make a booking for tomorrow night?”
Phase 3: (ME) Ask them “how many people”, “what time”, their “name and contact number.”
Phase 4: (CUSTOMER) Answers these questions.
Phase 5: I will confirm the details and say something like “Thank you for booking and I will see you tomorrow.”


Benwell, B and Stokoe, E (2002) 'Constructing discussion tasks in university tutorials: shifting dynamics and identities' Discourse Studies, vol 4 no 4, p429-453.

Saturday 13 October 2012

Identity and Interaction online

For this topic we were asked 'What are the implications of the online for sociological understandings of identity and interaction? I have commented on Christie Brindley's blog post this week, but I will copy my comment to this post as well!


'Hi Christie! This is a fascinating topic and I completely agree with what you are arguing. I was particularly drawn to your post because you mention the 'trolls' who created the controversial Facebook page 'Cancer is funny cause people die' – I am actually using this exact page for my research project.

What I found interesting is that the creator of the page and many of the 'trolls' who comment on the page are anonymous, and even though some of the other people keep their real names next to their comments, I think the internet changes the dynamics of interactions and how the self is presented. Hugh Miller (1995, 3) argues that “it is easy to make a fool of yourself on the Web; there is little to stop you doing it, but doing it will cause you little pain.” When Goffman was writing, he was referring to face-to-face interaction, or maybe via the telephone. On the internet, the self can remain totally anonymous, but even if some parts of the self are revealed, the computer screen offers protection. Therefore people are able to test the boundaries with more ease than in the 'real world'.

As there is much less accountability on the internet, people are also able to express their feelings without taking into perspective how someone else may feel. This relates to the idea of front sage and back stage because “the decontextualised nature of the computer” means that someone may choose to disregard the socially unacceptable behaviour of what is normally the 'front stage' and instead express what has been lurking in the 'back stage' of many individuals. They do not have to show respect for different cultures or people.'

Brooks, E, Heyman, N and Pyon, J, 'Social Interaction on the Internet: An Application of Erving Goffman's Sociological Theories', McMaster University, accessed 9 September 2012, http://socserv2.mcmaster.ca/soc/courses/soc4j3/stuweb/cyber9/flmg.htm

Heritage, John. 1984. 'The Morality of Cognition' in Garfinkel and
Ethnomethodology. Cambridge: Polity Press.

Matthews, Steve 2012, “Authenticating an Online Identity”, in The American Journal of Bioethics, Volume 12, no 10, pp39-41.

Miller, H (1995) 'The Presentation of Self in Electronic Life: Goffman on the Internet', Nottingham Trent University, http://www.dourish.com/classes/ics234cw04/miller2.pdf


Thursday 11 October 2012

Expletives, epithets, profanity and 'rudeness'


This week I commented on Laura Bergmann's blog which can be found on the following link. However, just in case something goes wrong I am also placing a copy of my comment bellow!

'Well, first of all, I found this topic extremely interesting and really enjoyed reading your post about it Laura!

So, what does 'course language' actually accomplish in interactions?

I rarely use expletives, however, like you, I do enjoy using the occasional swear word to really drive a point home. If I am angry, frustrated or upset I feel that swearing can help release the emotion. As I do rarely swear I think it can also help people to realise how upset I am. However I will also, once in a while, just use a swear word because it would be considered funny in the particular situation. With this said, I am quite conscious about when I will curse, because I personally find it quite repulsive when I hear people talking and every second word is 'fuck this, fuck that' or worse.

The point that stood out to me most in the lecture was that swearing can be argued to represent a marker of social solidarity, where politeness can demonstrate social distance. I thought this was a really interesting concept and one that I had never really considered before. The more I think about the more it makes sense to me. I would never swear at a customer and I would be seriously unimpressed if a customer swore at me because there is that social distance between us. However, among friends it is much more acceptable for people to curse because we have a shared understanding of the situation and people involved.

I found your arguments about the different genders swearing very interesting and have also done some research on this topic. In the study 'Pragmatics of swearing', gender was found to play a powerful role in swearing (Jay and Janschewitz, 2008). Men were found to swear more than women in public and to use more offensive words. The point I found most interesting though, was that “both women and men are more likely to swear in same-sex contexts than in mixed-sex contexts” (Jay and Janschewitz, 2008, p274). When I think about this it does make a lot of sense, and I do notice that when I overhear my male friends talking to each other there often is a lot more cursing going on than when I am talking them. My immediate response to the question why this is would be simply because the girls want to appear more ladylike to the guys, and the guys want to appear more like gentlemen. But I'm sure there is more to it than that!'

Daly, N et al (2003) 'Expletives as solidarity signals in FTAs on the factory floor', Journal of Pragmatics 36, 945-964

Jay, T and Janschewitx, K (2008) 'The pragmatics of swearing', Journal of Politeness Research 4, 267-288

Sunday 23 September 2012

Bloody 'bloody'

This week I commented on Nicholas Corr's post. My comment is below!

'So we have been looking at the way in which cultural identity can be accomplished through speech, and I think this is a really fascinating area of study. We looked at the relationship between what is said and how it is said, arguing that when using a word the meaning lies in its articulation rather than word itself. The reading looked at the use of the word 'bloody' in Australia culture.

I enjoyed reading your post and think you make a good point about the word fuck. When discussing this topic I was thinking the same thing. Although I personally tend not to swear, I would rarely flinch at someone using this word because it is used so often in our culture. I found Wierzbicker's discussion of the two meanings of 'bloody' interesting – it is used to emphasise bad feelings and unspecified feelings. You could say something is 'bloody marvellous' or you could say 'that bloody dog' and produce completely opposite meanings. As was said in the lecture, 'to recognise what was said is to recognise how the person is speaking.' This same argument holds for the work fuck.'


Wierzbicker, Anna (2002) 'Australian cultural scripts – bloody revisited' Journal of Pragmatics 34, p1167-1209.

Tuesday 18 September 2012

Data Presentation - Facebook page: Cancer is funny cause people die

I am scheduled to give my data research presentation this afternoon, and for it I am going to be looking at the controversial Facebook page 'Cancer is funny cause people die'. I thought this would be an interesting topic because it obviously goes against what is considered socially acceptable, but also because it is set online - so some of the things we have looked at so far in SOC250 will have to be applied in a new way.

Here is the link to the page:

http://www.facebook.com/pages/Controversial-Humor-Cancer-is-funny-cause-people-die/174140266010061

Group Presentation!

Ben, Laura and I completed our group presentation on Garfinkel's breaching experiments last Wednesday - dressed up as a clown, ninja and pirate! Anyway, I just realised I forgot to post the link to our presentation last week, so here it is!

http://eyeonpeople.blogspot.com.au/2012/09/breach-experiments-presentation.html

Thursday 13 September 2012

The Code


This week we looked at the processes through which people make sense of what is going on in the world around them. The part of this topic which stood out to me most was the concept of 'the code'.

From my understanding 'the code' is a set of mutually understood, unwritten rules which are used to attribute meaning to a situation. When looking at the concept of codes from an ethnomethodological perspective, it was indicated in the lecture that conduct produces the code. This code can then be applied both retrospectively to interpret people's actions, and to predict future conduct. There are different codes for different groups of people and different situations. The reading this week spoke about the 'Convict Code' in a halfway house and how this was used by both the staff and the inmates to explain behaviour such as the inmates not 'snitching' on each other.

This got me thinking about what other codes I know of and I remembered the 'Man code' which I have heard referred to by my male friends on numerous occasions. I believe this is a set of rules which will govern interactions between men, but of course, as a female I do not know exactly how this works – I have not 'cracked the code'. However I did google the 'Man code' and found a copy, some parts of which I found quite amusing so I have posted a link to it below! =)






Wieder, D. Laurence. 1974. “Telling the Code.” Pp. 144-172 in Ethnomethodology, edited by
Roy Turner. Harmondsworth: Penguin.





Thursday 6 September 2012

Ethnomethodology and Breaching Experiments


This week I was actually scheduled to give my group presentation however unfortunately it has been postponed to next week. We were planning to perform breaching experiments in the presentation and I was hoping to discuss the results in my blog, but that will have to be next Thursday!

This week we studied Harold Garfinkel and his famous breaching experiments. Garfinkel was the first person to use the term ethnomethodology, and his research in this area is his most famous work – in particular Studies in Ethnomethodology (1967). Ethnomethodology is the study of people's methods and how they behave in everyday situations.

According to Lynch (2011) Studies in Ethnomethodology “challenged 'top down' theories which proposed that society was structured around relatively limited sets of rules and overarching values. Garfinkel presented an alternative 'bottom up' picture of society built from innumerable occasions of improvised conduct adapted to particular situations.” Garfinkel asked “How do social actors come to know and know in common, what they are doing and the circumstances in which they are doing it?” He decided that in order to research how social order is made it would be best to start with a framework of stable features and see what can be done to make trouble. This was achieved through his famous breaching experiments.

In these experiments Garfinkel and his students would break the normal rules of a situation and wanted to create a senseless situation. However the interesting result of these experiments was that often the subjects would attempt to add meaning to the experimenter's actions so that it could be understood as a legally possible event. For example, when someone would cheat in a game of noughts and crosses, the subject would “realise” that this game had a different set of rules.

I had a lot of fun looking on the internet for breaching experiment ideas and Youtube clips of people performing them. My favourite idea was taking groceries out of someone's trolley rather than from the shelf in a supermarket – when asked for an explanation one would simply reply “Oh it's just easier to reach this one.” Interestingly when I told my friend about this idea and possibly performing it myself they were horrified and said “but you just DON'T do that!!!!!!!!” To which I replied “but that is the whole point!” They also asked me not to do this myself incase someone reacted in an extreme way and tried to harm me.


Heritage, John. 1984. 'The Morality of Cognition' in Garfinkel and
Ethnomethodology. Cambridge: Polity Press.

Lynch, M (2011) 'Harold Garfinkel obituary – Sociologist who delved into the minutiae of daily life' The Guardian, 13 July, http://www.guardian.co.uk/education/2011/jul/13/harold-garfinkel-obituary

Thursday 30 August 2012

Life as a Stage


Following on from the examination of how the 'self' is created, this week we looked at Dramaturgy. Simply put, this is the way in which life can be seen as a 'game' or 'drama'. In another long reading, Goffman argues that everybody 'performs' certain roles in everyday life. We will adjust our performance to suit the audience, time and place, cultivating the personality which is most appropriate. In this way, we do not always reveal our true selves. This idea of performance is put into words very nicely by none other than William Shakespeare (1623), who wrote:

All the world’s a stage,
And all the men and women merely
players;
They have their exits and their entrances;
And one man in his time plays many parts...”
(As You Like It, Act 2 Scene 7)

Goffman uses the idea of a front stage and backstage to explain the way in which our performances change. An example of this was given in the lecture (I found this one particularly helpful as I am a waitress myself): Waitresses must perform a certain role while in the restaurant – they must be polite to customers and be, as my boss calls it, the “hostess with the mostess”. This would be seen as the front stage. When the waitress goes out into the kitchen (backstage) she can relax somewhat and for example, vent about rude customers. I feel this backstage also allows us to maintain our front stage persona, by giving us somewhere to release the parts of our self which do not work with our front stage persona.

Another example which I was quite interested in, is the way in which celebrities handle these ideas of front stage and backstage. The introduction of social networking sites, such as Twitter, create a situation where the celebrity can somewhat escape their 'most' front stage performance, which I think would be official events/interviews, and instead allow fans to see another side of themselves which is getting closer to the backstage. However, even their 'tweets' must be staged. Alice Marwich and Danah Boyd argue that on Twiter “celebrity practice involves presenting a seemingly authentic, intimate image of self while meeting fan expectations and maintaining important relationships” (2011, 140).

I found Goffman's argument very interesting and the more I thought about it the more I could see how it works in almost all interactions. As was discussed last week, the social reality stops us from having everything we feel and do on display to every person, therefore allowing us to maintain specific relationships.



Goffman, Erving. (1971), 'Performances',The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life, Harmondsworth: Penguin.

Marwick, A and Boyd, Danah (2011), 'To See and Be Seen: Celebrity Practice on Twitter' Convergence: The International Journal of Research into New Media Technologies, Sage, Vol.17: 139, 19th May. 

Thursday 23 August 2012

The 'self'


This week we focussed on the presentation of the self, specifically looking at Goffman's arguments in 'The Nature of Deference and Demeanor' (1967). The self is made up of two concepts. Deference refers to the interactions that occur between individuals, and the specific 'rituals' that must take place within the interaction. For example, complimenting one another. Demeanor, on the other hand, refers to the way in which we present ourselves to society, for example, through the way we dress.

My understanding is that Goffman argues we will change our 'self' to suit the social situation we find ourselves in. In this way, I will present a different version of myself when I am working as a waitress, to the one found on the dance floor on a Wednesday night, and this is different again to the one who sits drinking tea with my grandmother. These different versions of a self help us, and those around us, to maintain certain relationships.

When doing my readings for this week I couldn't help thinking about the way in which I will be employing a different 'self' this very weekend. The situation is that my boyfriend's sister has got a tattoo this week. To be honest, I don't really like any tattoos but this one is particularly bad. I saw a photo of it and think it looks awful – I can't understand why anyone would want that permanently on their skin. This Saturday night we have a family dinner, and I know she will want to show me it in person. To tell her what I actually think of the tattoo will be breaking these unwritten social rules. It will cause an awkward and embarrassing moment for everyone there. In order to help her and myself 'keep face' I have two options. Either I will need to assume a new 'self' who tells her that I think it is great, or avoid the topic altogether. I will perform what Goffman calls an 'avoidance ritual'. Although it is a trivial matter, I cannot help being worried about it. =P


Goffman, E (1967) 'The nature of deference and demeanor' Interaction Ritual: Essays on Face-to-Face Behaviour, Doubleday, Garden City, NY, pp 47-95.